Keynote address by Minister Byrne at IIEA forum on European Security and the EU White Paper on Defence

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Introduction

Your excellencies, fellow Oireachtas members, members of the Defence Forces, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen.

Good afternoon and thank you for the invitation to speak to you today.

This is by no means my first engagement with the IIEA, but it is my first engagement with its members, since my reappointment as European Affairs Minister in January.

So, may I take this opportunity to commend the IIEA for organising this important discussion today, and for your ongoing valuable work.

When I last served as European Affairs Minister, my work – along with the work of many others in this room – was dominated by Brexit.

It is perhaps a telling reflection of the changed world we live in today, that ‘Brexit’ no longer forms part of our daily lexicon, and that my Ministerial role now combines European Affairs with Defence.

It seems that security is, in effect, the new ‘Brexit’.

And so, I welcome the opportunity to set out some of my own reflections and thoughts, on the White Paper on Defence, in addition to the security and defence situation that Ireland and Europe finds itself in.

A policy of principles-based pragmatism

Under Article 29 of our Constitution, the international relations of Ireland are founded upon international justice and morality.

We are committed to the constitutional ideal of peace and friendly co-operation amongst nations.

While Ireland does not see a home for itself in NATO, nor can we afford to live in a house of splendid isolation, either.

I believe that we must approach our security and defence from a policy of “principles-based pragmatism”.

In putting forward this policy, I believe that we must be pragmatic about the threats that face us today, and pragmatic about how we can tackle those threats.

That sense of pragmatism must be rooted, however – at all times – in the constitutional and legal principles governing our State.

In real terms, I believe that we need to see increased co-operation with our fellow EU members on security and defence.

We need to continue the pace of increased investment in our security and defence capabilities, which is already underway.

We need to champion legislative reform governing the deployment of our defence forces, such as amending the triple-lock, where necessary.

In undertaking these actions, we must do so in a manner that remains fully consistent with our legal principles and moral values, as a nation.

Our constitutional position is clear when it comes to an EU common defence.

Our policy of military neutrality remains unchanged.

And we will always act in accordance with our obligations under international law.

But any bad actor will not hit our strengths.

They will hit our vulnerabilities.

We simply cannot be locked into a state of stasis in responding to the geopolitical challenges, and security and defence risks, that face us.

So, at the outset today, I am calling for a policy of “principles-based pragmatism”, in how we approach Ireland’s security and defence, going forward.

Russian aggression

The White Paper on European Defence makes clear that Europe needs to invest more, together, to protect itself.

The timing for such action could not be more pressing, and the need could not be more acute.

Not only is terrible conflict taking place in Europe as we speak, but the fear of such conflict broadening to other parts of the continent, is very real.

Just last week, for example, I paid a sobering visit to the largest underground shelter in Helsinki, and I was reminded of the threat felt by so many of our fellow EU citizens – particularly those sharing a land border with Russia.

The fear in Europe is not imagined – it is based on a considered analysis of existing threats by our European partners.

These threats include, first and foremost, Russia’s ongoing, illegal war in Ukraine.

In the past week, Russia has carried out a series of brutal air attacks on Ukraine’s cities and civilian infrastructure.

In one attack alone this week, over 500 drones were deployed.

Russian attacks have intensified, and continue to intensify, despite Moscow’s alleged commitment to entering negotiations.

These are not the actions of a country interested in peace.

I witnessed, at first hand, the impact of Russian barbarism in Ukraine, as well as the courage and bravery of the Ukrainian people in response to such barbarism, when I visited Kyiv and Odesa in April.

As I made clear in all my meetings during that visit, Ireland stands in full solidarity with Ukraine and its government, in the face of this continuing brutal aggression.

From my bilateral meetings with counterparts from Finland, Poland, Scandinavia, the Baltic States and Romania in particular, I know that the threat posed by Russia is keenly felt by our fellow Member States.

Russia’s threat is real and tangible.

And it must be taken seriously, by the EU, as a whole.

Hybrid threats

Last week in Helsinki, I was very glad to visit the Hybrid Centre of Excellence, which Ireland has been a member of since 2023.

As we know, we are seeing a significant increase in malicious hybrid actions against the EU, and our partners.

In the past year, Russia has embarked on an increasingly reckless and intensified hybrid campaign against Europe – including electoral interference, disinformation, incendiary devices, GNSS jamming and spoofing, damage to sub-sea maritime infrastructure, economic and energy coercion.

As the White Paper notes, hybrid threats and cyber-attacks do not respect borders.

And this point was also highlighted in Ireland’s own Defence Policy Review.

I am glad to note that the European Union is acting with greater decisiveness, ambition and speed, to tackle such threats.

Ireland must be a part of this process, because such threats are existential for the way in which we live our lives, across the European Union.

And I want to assure everyone here today, that the Irish Government is committed to working with our fellow Member States and the EU institutions, to counter the hybrid threats posed to our Union.

Domestic reforms

The fundamental responsibility of government is to maintain and protect the security of its people.

Domestically, the Irish government is advancing a range of actions to ensure the security of our country, to enhance Ireland’s resilience to hybrid threats, and to meet the challenges of the future.

This includes the establishment of a Ministerial Council on National Security, as announced by Taoiseach Micheál Martin, in March.

In April, the Government launched Ireland’s first National Counter Disinformation Strategy.

And we are committed to producing a National Security Strategy and a National Maritime Security Strategy.

Continuous assessment and lessons learned from Russia’s ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine will be key to building our capabilities to combat future threats – including through the use of technology and AI.

The Irish defence budget has risen substantially to €1.35 billion in 2025 – a 22% increase, since the publication of the Report of the Commission on the Defence Forces, in 2022.

This represents significant progress on the Government’s commitment to increase the Defence budget to €1.5 billion by 2028, at 2022 prices, as part of the annual budgetary process.

I will not shy away from the fact – and, I have no doubt that others participating in today’s discussion also won’t shy away from the fact – that the level of Irish expenditure on defence is lower than other EU member states.

This fact was something that the Report of the Commission on the Defence Forces – which the Government itself commissioned – made clear.

And in all my bilateral discussions on security and defence with my EU colleagues, I am clear with them about our level of defence expenditure – but I am also clear in delivering this message:

Our key focus in Ireland, at the present time, needs to be on identifying our capability gaps and on acting to close those capability gaps.

A layered approach to our investment in security and defence is the best approach – from getting the fundamentals, like radar right, to significantly enhancing our Defence Forces training capacity at Gormanston Camp.

The Irish Government is fully committed to increasing defence spending, to meet the higher levels of ambition, as set out in the Commission on the Defence Forces.

But ultimately, our view is that an increase in defence expenditure should not become a target-driven process within the EU.

And we know that no state acting alone can address the entirety of existing and emerging security challenges.

Preparedness and capabilities

Our Defence Policy Review committed that Ireland would continue to play its part, along with other Member States, in supporting European security and defence.

We believe that the White Paper presents Ireland with a unique opportunity to join with other EU Member States, to enhance our individual and collective preparedness, and capabilities across all areas of security and defence.

There are certain capabilities that no Member State can achieve alone, and so working together, is the only way forward.

At the same time, it is imperative that projects to develop these capabilities are open to all member states.

Smaller EU member states, like Ireland, can be crowded out of supply chains when demand is increasing exponentially, and so there are immense benefits that we can derive from joint procurement.

And I encourage increased co-operation, at EU-level, in this respect.

Ukraine

I also want to state my strong support for the inclusion of a chapter on assistance to Ukraine in the White Paper.

In March, the Irish Government approved €100 million of bilateral non-lethal military support for Ukraine.

These funds will be used to invest in priority areas as identified by Ukraine, including through procurement from industry, in Ukraine.

We will continue to look for opportunities to support Ukraine, so that it is able to defend itself, against Russian aggression.

I particularly welcome the fact that the White Paper aims to ensure that Ukraine gets the support it needs to defend itself, including through its industrial base.

Supporting Ukraine in this way is not simply a moral obligation – it is a matter of our collective security, because Ukraine’s security is Europe’s security.

Middle East

My friends, European security is also impacted by conflicts elsewhere, in our wider neighbourhood.

We are particularly conscious of the terrible toll of conflict in the Middle East, in particular the utterly catastrophic humanitarian situation in Gaza.

And I want to take this opportunity to underline the urgent need for a ceasefire, our call for the return of all hostages, and for the immediate resumption of unimpeded humanitarian aid into and throughout Gaza.

Next steps

It strikes me that one of the defining aspects of this process is that White Paper projects will all be voluntary projects.

For our part, Ireland will consider joining projects in areas where capabilities and needs have been identified by our Defence Forces, and by our Department of Defence.

Other Member States may have wider interests, but it has been made clear in the White Paper that the positions of all Member States will be respected, including those – like Ireland – that are militarily neutral.

Later this month, I will accompany the Taoiseach to the European Council, where security and defence will lead the agenda.

The priority for EU leaders will be to translate political decisions into a first list of tangible defence capability projects.

Maritime security and critical infrastructure protection is an area of crucial importance for Ireland.

And I expect that the Taoiseach will engage strongly on this area with his European counterparts.

With an Exclusive Economic Zone of close to seven times our land area, maritime security is an essential domain of strategic importance, for Ireland.

It is a priority action area for the Government, as outlined, in the Defence Policy Review.

Recent geopolitical tensions have placed the topic of security and resilience of critical undersea infrastructure to the fore, as concerns mount across industry, and at state level.

Ireland is also interested in the air and cyber domains and is open to exploring other potential areas of clear strategic importance, should they provide pragmatic enhancements to our national and EU security and defence.

When it comes to White Paper projects, Ireland believes that the EU can only achieve the speed necessary, through a Lead Nation approach to progressing projects.

And we look forward to hearing the proposals, from other Member States, in terms of projects that they may wish to lead on.

Where projects align with our national priorities, it is Ireland’s intention to explore those opportunities, for accelerated delivery of capability.

Role of NATO

I am also conscious that the June meeting of the European Council will take place immediately after the NATO Summit in The Hague.

The timing of the NATO meeting will underscore the fact that coherence and complementarity with NATO, will be part of the picture, for those EU Member States for whom NATO capability targets inform their capability needs.

I am mindful, for example, that when I last held the role of European Affairs Minister, my colleagues in Helsinki and Stockholm were preparing for their own accession to NATO.

As I noted at the outset, Ireland does not see a home for itself in NATO.

But, in taking a principles-based pragmatic approach to our security and defence, I believe that we should continue to partner with NATO in line with our existing principles, within frameworks such as Partnership for Peace.

This partnership has proved successful for Ireland since 1999 and has acted to improve the inter-operability of our Defence Forces, including through our participation in UN, and EU missions, overseas.

ReArm Europe

In respect of the ReArm Europe initiative, Ireland has taken a pragmatic and constructive approach, and we are supportive overall, of the proposals outlined within it.

We are open to Member States using the national escape clause, in the Stability and Growth Pact, to enable greater national expenditure on defence.

Activation should be targeted and time-limited, to avoid endangering fiscal sustainability, and we should any watch market response carefully.

At the most recent General Affairs Council that I attended in Brussels, my colleagues and I adopted the SAFE Regulation.

In adopting this measure, we have enabled Member States to access a loan mechanism to the value of €150 billion, which will aid in financing defence capability needs.

From Ireland’s perspective, as a significant net contributor to the EU Budget, this financial assistance in the form of a loan is acceptable, as the liability for repayment rests with the Member State, availing of the loan.

While Ireland is focused on developing our national defence capabilities, and transforming our defence forces, by utilising our own budget resources, we are also assessing options for the potential utilisation of the SAFE facility in future.

Ireland is in favour of a balanced approach on defence products which recognises the need to develop the European Industrial Base to enhance European resilience, but equally, it must consider the existing procurement relationships and partnerships of many Member States.

We should not develop new dependencies, as we take the necessary steps, to procure the capabilities we all need.

Strengthening our own industrial base is of vital interest for Ireland.

But we must also avoid a ‘big bang approach’ and instead opt for a gradual, and sustainable reduction in reliance, on third countries.

EU Presidency

My friends, we are all familiar with the old saying that “a week is a long time in politics”.

So, it would take a very brave politician to predict where Europe will stand politically, in a year’s time.

However, there is one certainty next year that Ireland does look forward to, and that is our Presidency of the Council of the European Union.

On 1 July 2026, Ireland will be tasked with driving the agenda of the entire European Union, and that means that we must take account of the needs of all member states, big and small, old and new.

It will be a big agenda.

And that agenda will undoubtedly concern our security and defence.

The process of defining our Presidency priorities is ongoing.

But I can assure you that our EU Presidency will accommodate and reconcile the needs, perspectives and priorities of our fellow member states, and that includes the security and defence of our European Union.

Conclusion

A final reflection that I would like to offer today, is that in my experience to date – every EU member state, including Ireland, has its own nuance when it comes to security and defence.

But while we all have our own respective nuances, we share a universal interest in securing the EU, and in defending its interests and citizens.

To put it simply, Ireland and the EU are worth defending.

The Irish government looks forward to progressing the White Paper’s recommendations, as we work together as Member States, to address the critical and pressing capability needs of our Union.

Ireland will step up in the face of these challenges, and I believe that we are doing so, in that spirit of principles-based pragmatism.

So, let me reiterate my thanks to the IIEA for hosting this discussion, and extend my own personal welcome to Guillaume de la Brosse.

I see today as part of an ongoing dialogue that I look forward to continuing with you all.

Thank you.

Go raibh míle maith agaibh.

Ends

Press Office

11 June 2025