Speech by Minister Byrne at IIEA Symposium on National Security and Resilience, 11 December 2025

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A dhaoine uaisle, ba mhaith liom buíochas a ghabháil leis an IIEA agus Deloitte as ucht cuireadh a thabhairt dom chun labhairt libh faoin gceist thábhachtach seo.

Tá a fhios againn go bhfuilimid ag maireachtáil i dtréimhsí ina bhfuil teannas ag méadú.

Is í slándáil ár ndaoine príomhfhreagracht an stáit.

Glacaimid go dáiríre agus le tiomantas an dualgas seo.

At the outset, I want to thank Alex and the IIEA – and to thank, Shane Mohan, Kieran O’Neill, and Deloitte, for the invitation to speak to you today.

As Minister of State for European Affairs and Defence, I welcome the opportunity to speak on the vital theme of enhancing Ireland’s national security and resilience, at a time of heightened geopolitical risk.

We may hold different perspectives, at times, but dialogue is always welcome.

Ukraine

Ireland operates in a world that is more contested, more complex, and more interconnected, than at any time, in the past several decades.

Our strategic environment has changed profoundly in the last few years, primarily in response to Russia’s continuing aggression, against Ukraine.

We are a country with deep connections around the world – a nation at the heart of the EU, and of a globally-linked economy.

Of course, we have responsibilities, not only to our own people, but to our closest partners also.

Our European values are under attack, in many places around the world, but perhaps nowhere more significant for us, than in Ukraine.

When I visited Kyiv and Odesa earlier this year, I saw firsthand, the courage and endurance of the Ukrainian people, and the horrific impact of the brutal aggression and illegal war, that Russia has waged on Ukraine.

In prosecuting this aggression, Putin has shown a complete indifference to the value of human life, and to international laws and norms.

Even as efforts to bring the war to an end advance, Putin seeks to gain advantage at the negotiating table, by intensifying Russia’s relentless onslaught on the frontline, and on Ukrainian cities and towns.

In the last week alone, Russia has launched around 1,600 drones, 1,200 guided aerial bombs, and 70 missiles, primarily targeting civilian infrastructure, killing innocent people and leaving thousands without heat and light.

Ukraine is a nation without sleep, thanks to Putin’s drones, and Putin’s bombs.

He must never be allowed to succeed.

Last week, I had the immense privilege of joining the Taoiseach, in welcoming President Zelenskyy and his delegation, to Ireland.

As the Taoiseach stated during President Zelensky’s visit – “for as long as Ukraine needs our help and support, Ireland will be there for you”.

We offer this support – politically, diplomatically and practically.

In practical terms, Ireland has welcomed over 116,000 Ukrainians, under the Temporary Protection Directive

To date, in addition to contributions under the European Peace Facility, we have provided €200 million in non-lethal bilateral military support for Ukraine, based on their own identified capability needs.

This support has been primarily aimed at elements of air defence, to help Ukraine, in the face of Russia’s brutal missile and drone attacks.

It is designed to strengthen Ukraine’s long-term defensive autonomy and resilience.

Ireland also looks to increase pressure on Russia to end its war of aggression, including through stronger sanctions, and using immobilised Russian assets, to increase the cost of war for Russia, and to support Ukraine’s defence.

We support agreement on a reparations loan for Ukraine, and we want to see this agreed, in the coming weeks.

The Taoiseach has joined leaders from Estonia, Finland, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Sweden in a letter to European Council President, Antonio Costa, calling for agreement to be reached.

EU membership will provide an important security guarantee for Ukraine.

And I can assure all of you, that Ukraine’s EU accession will remain a clear priority, throughout Ireland’s EU Presidency in 2026.

EU White Paper for European Defence

Ireland’s geography does not insulate us from modern security threats.

And I fully recognise that national security, and economic security, are deeply interconnected.

The European Union’s White Paper on the Future of European Defence recognises the new reality we find ourselves in, and sets out a comprehensive approach, to strengthening European defence readiness.

Ireland has engaged constructively with the White Paper process, because no Member State – large or small – can meet the full spectrum of today’s security challenges alone.

Any bad actor will not hit our strengths – they will hit out vulnerabilities.

The White Paper emphasises the need to close long-standing capability gaps, build industrial capacity, expand collaborative procurement, and ensure Europe’s defence ecosystem is fit for purpose.

Ireland supports these objectives.

And I can confirm that security and defence will be a central theme of Ireland’s EU Presidency, in the second half, of 2026.

Maritime security

As an island nation, Ireland relies on the security of our seas.

With an Exclusive Economic Zone almost seven times the size of our land area, the Government is working to enhance existing capabilities – in order to detect, track, deter and respond, to maritime and subsea activity in real time.

The number of transatlantic data cables that traverse our waters, and our expanding offshore energy installations, add further layers of strategic exposure.

Ireland’s economic success depends on our digitalised economy, and the global communications and energy infrastructure, that runs throughout our waters.

The international importance of this infrastructure is something that is regularly highlighted to me by my European counterparts.

The National Risk Assessment for Ireland identified ‘Damage to Critical Undersea Infrastructure’ as one of the country’s strategic risks.

Our seas not only contain vital subsea cable infrastructure, but approximately three quarters of Ireland’s natural gas is imported, through undersea gas pipelines.

In the Defence Policy Review published last summer, you will find a clear focus on maritime security, based on the assessed threat level in the maritime domain, our geographic position, and our responsibility and commitment to contribute to the security and defence of Europe.

Ireland’s first National Maritime Security Strategy, is being developed by the Department of Defence at present, informed by extensive public consultation, and domestic and international engagement.

Ireland supports a strong EU role in supporting the maintenance of international peace and security.

By collaborating in EU projects, it enables Ireland to address new and emerging challenges, and to benefit from best practice and expertise, from fellow Member States.

We engage actively in the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy, including since 2017, through PESCO.

Through PESCO, we are working on projects that enhance cooperation in monitoring, securing, and defending critical seabed infrastructure against various threats, including sabotage, terrorism, and espionage.

Ireland does not see a home for itself in NATO, but we cannot afford to live in a house of splendid isolation, either.

Since 1999, Ireland has engaged with NATO through Partnership for Peace.

Through the Individually Tailored Partnership Programme, Ireland is working to enhance its cooperation in relevant areas of choice, including improved maritime situational awareness and climate change.

Earlier this year, I was also very proud to visit members of the Defence Forces serving as peacekeepers, in Kosovo as part of K-FOR, under NATO leadership.

More generally, the threats posed to Ireland, and the EU, by the Russian shadow fleet, must be recognised.

These vessels are transporting Russian oil ,while practicing irregular and high-risk shipping practices, including through Irish waters.

They present a growing risk to the environment, endanger maritime safety and facilitate sanctions circumvention.

Ireland supports further measures to counter the shadow fleet, including through sanctions that target it, and limit its ability to raise revenue, to fund Russia’s war.

Enhancing our capabilities

I am conscious of the current discourse on security and defence in Ireland, and as I noted at the outset, I very much welcome dialogue in this area.

Since my appointment to the Department of Defence, I have been clear that our primary focus must be on identifying our capability gaps, and on acting to close those capability gaps.

At present, the Defence Forces are acquiring advanced towed sonar equipment, to significantly enhance our ability to monitor underwater activity, within the Irish Exclusive Economic Zone.

The Military Radar Programme represents another transformative step in Ireland’s capability development.

Following extensive technical assessments, and bilateral engagement with partner countries, I can confirm that the programme is now advancing toward phased implementation, beginning in 2026.

Full operational capability is expected by the end of 2028.

I also recently appeared before the Oireachtas Defence and National Defence Committee, and secured a supplementary capital allocation of €19 million, in order to accelerate the procurement of Counter-Unmanned Aerial Systems.

In light of the increasing use of drones for intelligence gathering, disruption, and potentially hostile action, this investment is welcome.

I am very conscious that Ireland’s air surveillance capabilities will play a critical role in the comprehensive security arrangements, that are being put in place, for our 2026 EU Presidency.

Budget 2026 provided €1.5 billion for Defence, including €300 million in capital funding – the highest allocation in the history of the State.

This investment will support new strategic aircraft, expanded helicopter capacity, radar development, sub-sea surveillance, force protection equipment, and modernisation of Defence Forces infrastructure.

The Government will continue to increase defence expenditure, reflecting the recommendations, of the Commission on the Defence Forces.

In taking a longer-term view, a Capability Development Programme is also being prepared, which will define Ireland’s requirements until 2040.

Whole-of-government approach

Security and resilience depends, not only on defence capabilities, but on a whole-of-government coherence.

Last year, Ireland signed the Resilience of Critical Entities Regulations.

And a key element of the new regulation is the development, by the relevant stakeholders, of a Critical Entities Resilience Strategy for their sectors.

Our Office of Emergency Planning is focused on societal resilience, and stress tests of our systems, continue to be conducted.

In March, the Taoiseach announced the establishment of a Ministerial Council on National Security.

And earlier this year, the Government launched Ireland’s first National Counter Disinformation Strategy.

I also welcome the development of a National Security Strategy, which is underway, at present.

Hybrid attacks

Since I last addressed the IIEA in June, we have seen incursions by drones, balloons, and Russian fighter jets, into the airspace of EU Member States.

Such incursions are designed to intimidate, undermine, divide and sow fear.

That sense of threat is felt keenly across the EU, and for many of our fellow Member States, the threat is ever present.

I saw this clearly, during my recent visit to Latvia and Lithuania, to meet with my European Affairs and Defence counterparts.

To meet their defence spending targets, some EU governments are making drastic and difficult decisions, to cut salaries and cut pensions.

These actions are not driven by ideology.

They are driven by reality.

Ireland is a militarily neutral state, and this position will not change.

But our military neutrality does not equate to indifference.

We know that hybrid threats, and cyber-attacks, do not respect borders.

Ireland is actively, and constructively, engaging in the development of EU policies aimed at combatting hybrid threats and in particular, Russia’s campaign of hybrid activity against the EU and its Member States.

Domestically, the Government is taking measures to combat hybrid threats from state and non-state actors, including Russia, its proxies and aligned actors.

We are enhancing Ireland’s national capability to identify, mitigate and counter hybrid threats, through our membership of the European Center of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats in Helsinki, which I visited earlier this year.

Ireland has increased investment in cyber security, including by increasing the role and resources of our National Cyber Security Centre, and by enhancing our network security.

The Defence Forces have also established a new Joint Cyber Defence Command, capable of full-spectrum cyber operations, defensive countermeasures, threat intelligence integration, and support to deployed missions.

The Defence Forces Cyber Defence Strategy 2024–2027 sets out a detailed roadmap towards enhanced operational capability, and stronger integration with national cyber structures, working closely with the Department of Justice, the National Cyber Security Centre, and An Garda Síochána.

Ireland’s participation in Locked Shields, the world’s most complex live-fire cyber defence exercise, demonstrates our commitment to strengthening national preparedness in this domain.

And I welcome the ongoing cooperation, at domestic and EU level, in this area.

Conclusion

So, today, I want to reiterate my call for a policy of “principles-based pragmatism”, when it comes to security and defence in Ireland.

Pragmatism is required, in facing up to the threats we are under.

And pragmatism is required, in taking on those threats.

But that sense of pragmatism must be rooted – at all times – in the constitutional and legal principles governing our State.

Ireland’s values, and our commitment to the rules-based international order, and to multilateralism, have not changed.

And they will not change.

But our policy of military neutrality does not mean that we can isolate ourselves from the international security environment we find ourselves in.

I believe in increased co-operation with our fellow EU members on security and defence.

We must continue to make our own sovereign decisions about defence, guided by our values, and by our responsibility to contribute to global stability, through multilateral and EU frameworks.

Legislative reform, governing the deployment of our defence forces, by amending the triple-lock, is necessary and overdue.

The triple-lock is, quite simply, out of date and no longer fit for purpose.

So, as we look toward the next decade, the decisions we make now will determine the resilience of the State, for a generation.

Ireland is strengthening its national security posture, modernising its defence capabilities, deepening cooperation with European partners, and contributing actively to the stability of our continent.

We are stepping up because we must.

The challenges are significant, but so too, is the resolve with which we are addressing them.

I am confident that through continued investment, collaboration, and a clear strategic focus, Ireland will further enhance its security, protect our people, and strengthen our resilience in this challenging geopolitical environment.

Thank you for your invitation, and I look forward to our ongoing conversation, in this area.