Speech by Minister McEntee - "Ireland’s Enduring Place in Europe: Our 2026 EU Presidency" - Europe House, 22 January 2026

Speech by Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Helen McEntee

Europe House, 22 January 2026

"Ireland’s Enduring Place in Europe: Our 2026 EU Presidency"

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Go raibh míle maith agat a Pheadair. Agus buíochas ó chroí leatsa agus le Fearghas as ucht fáilte a chur romhainn anseo ar maidin i dTeach na hEorpa.

A Dhaoine Uaisle,

A Mhic Léinn,

A Chairde,

Is mór an onóir dom a bheith anseo libh ar maidin.

Many thanks Peter. And a huge thank you to you and to Fearghas for hosting us here this morning in Europe House.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Students,

Friends,

It is an honour to be here with you this morning.

I was privileged to take on – as the first woman to do so - the dual roles of Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and Minister for Defence in mid-November just over two months ago.

I grew up in a political household, so I learned early on that “a week is a long time in politics”. In today’s world, a week can feel like a lifetime. And since mid-November, I feel like I have already lived several lifetimes.

We are living in a new moment in history. A moment where events move at extraordinary speed, where assumptions we once took for granted are being challenged. And where choices we make as a country, as a Union – matter more than ever.

That is what makes it such a responsibility, to serve in the roles of foreign, trade and defence at this moment in time.

In doing so, I return to a Department where I spent three years as Minister for Europe.

My experience as a Minister and politician has taught me the importance of negotiation and compromise; of networking and of building relationships across the whole European family. It has also confirmed my belief that Europe is the framework, the foundation, the guiding star for how Ireland shows up in the world.

I wanted my first significant policy speech to focus on Ireland’s EU policy. As you know, Ireland will hold the EU Presidency in the second half of this year.

Let me take a moment now to congratulate Poland and Denmark on their exceptional Presidencies last year and to wish our Cypriot friends every success for the months ahead. I have great confidence in small island Presidencies!

Before I continue with my remarks, however, I want to underline the Irish Government’s support for the people of Greenland and Denmark.

Our position is crystal clear; the future of Greenland is a matter to be determined by Denmark and by the Greenlandic people in line with well-established democratic principles and international law.

The commentary on Greenland in recent weeks has been deeply troubling for all of us who value international peace and security.

I note President Trump’s statements last night, ruling out the use of armed force and subsequently ruling out the imposition of tariffs on 1 February, and I welcome them.

We have taken a step back from a political and trade conflict from which there would be no winners. The threatened tariffs would have undermined transatlantic relations and are incompatible with the EU-US Joint Statement.

We will continue to coordinate closely with our EU and wider European partners on the next steps. I have been in touch with High Representative Kallas throughout this week and the Taoiseach will, of course be attending the extraordinary European Council this evening.

These developments also underline the importance of Ireland’s EU membership to the daily lives of our citizens, and in that respect, today, I want to do two things.

First, I want to outline my intention to maximise 2026 for a genuine reflection and sustained conversation on Ireland’s enduring place in the European Union.

Second, I want to sketch out for you our latest thinking and preparations for the EU Presidency and to talk about the key EU policy areas, which this Government is focussed on both now and as we look ahead.

Let’s start with the conversation.

Today, standing in Europe House, I want to begin a discussion that will take place right across Ireland over the next year – in cities and towns, in schools and universities, in community halls and workplaces. I hope you will all be part of it, especially the students here with us.

This meaningful conversation begins with a simple question: What does the EU mean for Ireland? It is not uncommon for a dichotomy to be presented between viewing the EU through a values-based prism and viewing it through an interests-based prism.

When talking about values you might highlight the EU as one of the greatest peace projects ever conceived. You might focus on the extraordinary achievement of agreeing to pool sovereignty and to live by a rules based order. You might reflect on the EU’s motto – “United in Diversity” – or as we would say in Irish "Ní neart go cur le chéile." You might appreciate the positive societal change that the EU has driven in Ireland and across the EU.

When talking about interests, you might be more transactional. You might highlight the single market of 450 million citizens without which the success of the Irish economy – and it is successful - would not be possible. You might highlight the tremendous economic advantages of common regulation and the enormous competitive advantage of being a member of the Euro area.

Friends.

The European Union is not one or the other.

The EU is our values and the EU is our interests. It is all of these things, altogether, everywhere and at the same time.

The EU is the reason Irish businesses can trade freely across all EU Member States.

The EU is the reason that Irish students can study in all countries of the EU.

The EU is the reason that when our British neighbours decided to leave the union, the protection of the peace process in Northern Ireland was prioritised over all other concerns.

The EU is the reason that we have mobile phone roaming across all 27 Members.

The EU is the reason our farmers receive essential support through the Common Agricultural Policy.

The EU is the reason that we can buy goods from online retailers across the Union without paying customs duties.

The EU is the reason that we can choose to live and work across all Member States.

The EU is the reason we can transfer money across the Union without paying additional fees.

I have taken some time to lay out the advantages of EU membership because there is a very real danger that for those of you – like me – who have grown up only knowing an Ireland, which was part of the EU, these enormous benefits can be taken for granted. These benefits are not purely transactional, they are the manifestation of our shared values.

Ireland enjoys very high levels of support for the EU.

Despite this, I am concerned by a rising level of euro scepticism in our country. It’s still a whisper but its growing louder. It puts forward the seductive populist claim that our problems – and like everybody else we have our problems – do not lie in our own hands, they must be the fault of somebody else – and the EU or “Brussels” is a convenient somebody.

I want to foster a national conversation on Europe because we cannot cede the stage to these voices – we cannot allow these whispers to go unchallenged.

But this does not mean that the conversation should only be about praising the EU. I am a dedicated European but this does not mean that criticism of Europe is unjustified. Criticism is absolutely necessary,

The EU is all of its achievements – it is more than the sum of its parts.

But it is also the sum of its parts – it’s the sum of 450 million citizens, it’s the sum of 27 Member States. And, not unsurprisingly, it is far from perfect. There are things which don’t work. There are things which could work better. And there are issues on which we disagree.

For me in 2026, EU membership is about being aware of the advantages of membership and making sure these are understood by the public. But it’s also about being honest about where we need to improve and working constructively to make things better. That is the approach this Government will take.

Let me talk a little about these policies. In doing so I would like to focus on the three broad pillars of values, security and competitiveness, which many of you will be aware are also the three pillars of the Strategic Agenda for the EU agreed by European leaders in late 2024.

In my view, these three pillars go to the heart of what we want to achieve every day in Europe and they are deeply intrinsically interlinked.

Without security, there can be no prosperity.

Without competitiveness, we cannot sustain our societies.

And without values, none of it matters.

Let me briefly turn to each.

Values

Values are our shared European foundation. They matter in good times. But they matter even more in moments of instability and uncertainty. A strong society is always rooted in strong values. For Ireland, values will always be at the heart of the EU project and this means at home as well as abroad.

We are all aware that the rules-based order on which our security and prosperity, and that of our EU partners depends, is increasingly under challenge. We are also aware that the security environment in Europe has been transformed by Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine, while the broader international context facing us has never been more challenging.

At the same time, in our ever more inter-dependent world, we cannot solve the problems that confront us by working alone.

Against this backdrop, we will ensure that the EU strengthens its role as a principled global actor, which supports democracy and human rights, multilateralism and the international legal order, with the UN at its centre.

We will continue to work to oppose attempts to dilute international commitments and human rights standards, including on women’s rights, gender equality and the rights of LGBTQ+ persons. I am proud that Ireland is standing up for our values as a candidate for election to the UN Human Rights Council.

In a few short weeks, we will mark the fourth anniversary of Russia’s unprovoked invasion and brutal war of aggression against Ukraine. Ireland’s support and solidarity with the brave people of Ukraine remains unwavering, as we made clear during the visit to Ireland by President Zelenskyy. The EU and its Member States will continue to provide political, financial, military, and humanitarian support to Ukraine, including the €90 billion EU loan agreed in December.

We will keep up pressure on Russia to halt its attacks and come to the negotiating table, through further sanctions and work on the Shadow Fleet. I hope that US-led efforts will result in a just and lasting peace that respects the independence and sovereignty of Ukraine, with credible security guarantees. And we will continue our strong support for Ukraine’s path to EU membership.

We will keep a focus on achieving peace in the Middle East. I welcome the US announcement of the move to phase 2 of the Gaza peace plan.

The humanitarian situation remains desperate. I have just returned from a visit to the region including a visit to the Rafah Crossing last week, where I saw first-hand aid trucks waiting to enter Gaza. It was evident that we need to massively scale up humanitarian support so that vital aid and services reach people throughout Gaza.

We must also not lose sight of the situation in the West Bank which is deeply concerning. In moving forward, we must maintain a clear focus on steps to achieve a two-State solution, that guarantees the right of both Israelis and Palestinians to self-determination and to live in peace and safety within secure borders. Next week we will host a meeting of the Global Alliance on Implementation of the two State solution in Dublin, to share the experience of the peace process on this island.

There has been much comment on the US proposal for a Board of Peace. Like other Member States, we have received an invitation to join.

We have welcomed the contribution of the United States, alongside Egypt, Qatar and Turkiye, to end the conflict in Gaza and their efforts to implement phase 2 of the Gaza Peace Plan. I urge all parties to implement their commitments in full.

The scope of the Board of Peace being proposed by the US would appear to be wider than the mandate provided by the UN Security Council for implementation of the Gaza Peace Plan (Resolution 2803). We have concerns around some of the content in the US proposal, including how it would relate to the United Nations, and the proposed governance arrangements. We would welcome clarification from the US on these and other aspects of their proposal, which we continue to consider in coordination with EU partners.

We will continue to support efforts towards peace in Lebanon, including through the contribution by the women and men of the Defence Forces in UNIFIL. And we will support the transition underway in Syria.

I am also deeply concerned by developments in Iran. Reports of the killing of large numbers of protesters are shocking.

I utterly condemn the brutal use of violence by the Iranian authorities against its own population. Full telephone and Internet connectivity must be restored. At my request, senior officials in my Department conveyed our concerns directly to the Ambassador-designate of Iran on 12 January. We are working with our EU partners on further sanctions in response to these egregious human rights violations.

The values Ireland espouses are also seen in the strong, principled positions we take on development cooperation and humanitarian aid, a position which also informs how we approach the EU in this space.

As we look towards our Presidency, Ireland will continue to prioritise engagement on the future of development cooperation with an overarching focus on the enduring challenge of poverty. We will champion sustainable development and reducing humanitarian need and we will stand up for international aid organisations and the crucial work they continue to do in these challenging times.

Of course values equally apply within the EU. Along with respect for human rights; democracy and the rule of law are the foundational values of our Union and are deeply cherished by our citizens. Ireland seeks to advocate for those values, working with partners and institutions alike to address challenges to the rule of law, including democratic backsliding which, regrettably, is a growing challenge in parts of our Union.

But few policies embody the values of the EU more than enlargement. Following Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine, securing EU membership for individual candidates has re-emerged as the strongest EU foreign policy tool at our disposal to ensure peace and prosperity across our continent.

Ireland was part of the first Enlargement of the then EEC in 1973. While many rightly speak of the transformational impact EU membership can and will have for candidate countries, we have seen first-hand how Ireland has transformed through our 53 years of membership.

We are joined here today by the Ambassadors of Ukraine and Moldova. Let me assure you that we also want to do all we can to advance Ukraine and Moldova’s accession processes. Let me be clear - they have both met the technical criteria to progress and must be allowed to do so. We will also seek to progress all other candidacies where conditions allow and we see tremendous opportunity for both Montenegro and Albania to make significant progress.

It is in Ireland’s and the EU’s interests for enlargement to succeed, and we have seen this through previous rounds of enlargement.

Security

Let me turn to security. Russia’s war of aggression has transformed the security landscape in Europe.

I see this in both of my roles, as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, and as Minister for Defence.

In prosecuting Russia’s illegal and continuing aggression against Ukraine, Putin has shown a complete indifference to the value of human life, and to international laws and norms.

Russia’s war has destabilised not just Ukraine, but the European security order as a whole.

And it has revealed vulnerabilities that all EU Member States, including Ireland, must confront. We are faced with a multitude of threats that are acute and growing, including hybrid threats and cyber-attacks.

Russia’s continued attacks on civilians and critical energy infrastructure, including the strike on Kharkiv last Friday, are appalling. We recognise the impact this has on the people of Ukraine and during the visit of President Zelenskyy to Ireland in December we pledged €25 million in energy supports.

In the context of this changing landscape, Ireland is determined to step up our own security to confront threats, to uphold our values and to protect the well-being of our citizens and our economy. Our responsibilities extend not only to our own people, but to our closest partners also.

No country acting alone can address the entirety of existing and emerging security challenges, and we are contributing actively to the ongoing development of the EU’s security and defence.

Ireland supports the White Paper on European Defence. We see the value in EU Member States, and partners, working together to mitigate the threats and challenges we collectively face.

Across the EU, countries are investing more in their national security and defence capabilities. Each is doing so in a way that makes sense for its own particular situation, policy approach and the specific characteristics of the foreign policy of every member state.

In Ireland’s case, that is and will remain a policy of military neutrality.

However, there are synergies that we can achieve through working together at EU level in a way that complements what we are doing at national level, where funding for defence has significantly increased since 2020.

I agreed a Defence budget for 2026 of a record €1.5 billion. This continues the significant increase in defence budgets over recent years. Last December, I also unveiled a comprehensive plan that sets out the Government’s record €1.7 billion capital investment in Defence up to 2030. This is the most significant investment package in the Defence Forces in the history of the State.

The changed geopolitical landscape has made it absolutely clear that we must continuously improve and strengthen our defence capabilities. I intend to prioritise the actions necessary to achieve this.

As a former Justice Minister, I also have a strong insight on the important role which the Justice and Home Affairs Council plays in delivering internal security for the EU. This work includes combatting smuggling and addressing the huge challenges arising from organised criminals.It is absolutely vital that we continue to work with our European colleagues to tackle two of the greatest challenges facing modern society; child sexual abuse online and gender and domestic based violence.

Migration, of course, is also an ongoing challenge for Europe. We remain committed to the implementation of the EU’s Asylum and Migration Pact. Our investments in development cooperation, in fighting poverty and in building economies in developing countries also contributes to tackling the challenge of migration and to our own security.

Competitiveness

Finally, Competitiveness.

Competitiveness is what ensures that the European economy thrives, and that its citizens prosper. It is what delivers good jobs, good salaries and a good quality of life.

At the heart of this is the Single Market, which gives Irish companies and consumers access to a market of 450 million people. Our Single Market has no equivalent anywhere in the world and, as we know from lived experience on this island, it has had transformational impacts on economies and citizens’ lives.

But we cannot take these things for granted. Europe faces competitiveness challenges on multiple fronts – many of them of our own making. Without a laser-focus on tackling these challenges, we risk falling behind the global competition on investment, on incomes and on the digital and climate transitions.

Let me cite a few examples:

Our Single Market is still a work in progress. Every day European companies encounter internal barriers to cross-border trade and finance, reducing choice and increasing costs for consumers. These and other internal barriers amount to a 65% tariff on goods and a 100% tariff on services.

Energy is too expensive because we are overly-dependent on imported fossil fuels. This is costly for consumers and destructive for the planet. Overly burdensome administrative costs and compliance burdens can slow down business, without delivering our public policy goals.

We are also being out-paced in the race for the technologies of the future. Without the right investment in research and innovation, we will fall behind in scientific advancement, pioneering health improvements and the new digital frontiers.

We must tackle these challenges head on. I think of our responses in three forms:

1. Supporting the Single Market
2. Deepening the Single Market
3. Transforming the Single Market

Supporting the Single Market means accelerating the deployment of new, clean energy infrastructure. This will reduce our external dependencies, lower electricity costs, and support our decarbonisation agenda.

It also means diversifying our supply chains in critical materials away from single suppliers to numerous trusted partners, building resilience in our industries.

We need to deepen our connections with Member States to unlock the full potential of the Internal Market. Deepening and completing the Single Market will be essential to this, and has long been an Irish priority. Through advancing the Savings and Investment Union, we will unlock access to finance for new investments, and give more choice to consumers. It will help SMEs to scale up in Europe, rather than needing to seek capital further afield, keeping vital know-who and innovative firms in the EU.

Ireland’s proposed approach to establish a ‘28th Regime’ based on company law would allow firms to establish themselves across all Member States rather than needing to subject themselves to up to 27 separate application processes systems.

Simplification of the EU rule book will improve the ease of doing business, in particular for SMEs. We are strong supporters of the EU’s simplification agenda and want to see smarter, simpler, more streamlined regulations while maintaining high ambition in terms of environmental protection, human health, and other standards.

Ireland’s EU policy stands on these three pillars – values, security and competitiveness. And while, we won’t announce our Presidency priorities until June, I am confident that these themes will remain important.

Presidency Preparations

So where are we in terms of our Presidency preparations? I think that broadly speaking – five months out – we are where we need to be.

Over recent months, we have undertaken an extensive consultation process on what our Presidency priorities should be. As well as engaging with other Member States and with the EU institutions, Ministers have met with a wide range of stakeholder groups – from business, trade unions, civil society and other sectors.

An open call for written submissions on our Presidency priorities received more than 480 responses, from people and organisations across Ireland and abroad. We are reviewing all these submissions carefully as we develop our Presidency policy programme.

We are under no illusions about the scale and significance of the work ahead of us. In Brussels and Luxembourg, Irish Ministers will chair dozens of formal Council meetings, and Irish officials will lead the work of about 180 different Council preparatory bodies.

We will lead the Council’s extensive engagement with the European Parliament to agree new EU legislation across many different areas of policy. And we will lead the EU’s engagement in a number of important multilateral negotiations, including in a UN framework, on issues such as climate and biodiversity.

Here in Ireland, we will deliver a very extensive Presidency meetings programme. We will welcome Heads of State and Government from 47 European countries to a meeting of the European Political Community here in Dublin – the largest event of its kind ever held in Ireland. We will host an informal meeting of the European Council and 22 informal meetings of EU Ministers.

In all, the Government will host more than 270 Presidency events, and yet more meetings and conferences associated with the Presidency will be hosted in Ireland by universities, civil society organisations, business representative bodies and other groups.

It will be an important opportunity to showcase the best of Ireland to our European and international partners.

National Conversation

I want to end where I began, with the national conversation on Europe.

This Presidency is not just about meetings and negotiations; it is about reconnecting people with what Europe means in their lives.

Last week, I announced an initiative which pairs each EU Member State with a specific county in Ireland as a focus for public engagement during the Presidency. I am very grateful to the Ambassadors of EU Member States here in Ireland for their enthusiastic engagement with this programme. EU Ambassadors, alongside Irish Ambassadors in EU Member State capitals, will visit communities across Ireland to talk about Ireland’s European relationships, what we gain from our EU membership, and the role we play at EU level.

Over the coming months, both I and my colleague, the Minister of State for European Affairs Thomas Byrne, plan to visit a range of universities and higher education institutions to discuss plans for Ireland’s Presidency and engage in a dialogue with both academics and students about Ireland’s place in Europe.

We also want to encourage conversations about Europe in schools across the country. We plan to develop versions of our Presidency policy programme specifically tailored for children and young people, and make these available to primary and post-primary schools across Ireland. This will help to explain what the Irish Presidency is about, what we are seeking to achieve, and the positive impact that our EU membership has on the lives of our citizens across all age groups.

These initiatives build on a programme of Ministerial visits to communities and schools across Ireland to discuss our EU Presidency and our role in Europe which has been underway since last summer, and will continue over the coming months.

Public engagement around our Presidency will also have an important cultural dimension. The Department of Culture, Communications and Sport is preparing a Presidency Cultural Programme with both domestic and international dimensions, working with national cultural institutions, local authorities and other partners. Through this work, we expect that our Presidency Cultural Programme will reach communities across all parts of the country.

I hope that all of these initiatives will encourage people across the country to consider what Ireland’s EU membership means for them, reflect on the importance of our European relationships, and contribute to shaping Ireland’s European future. And I want to ask for your help in supporting that.

To conclude, ladies and gentlemen, - I am delighted today to have kicked off a year of deeper engagement and discussion on Ireland’s enduring place in Europe. It’s a conversation for schools and universities, for clubs and libraries, for homes and meeting places across all parts of the country.

And most importantly it is a conversation for everybody. The EU does not belong to politicians or to diplomats. It does not belong to academics or to specialists to interest groups or NGOs. It belongs to everyone and to all of us.

Thank you.