Speech
Speech by Tánaiste Micheál Martin at Book Launch of “The Irish Defence Forces 1922-2022” By Eoin Kinsella
By: Minister for Defence; Micheál Martin
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By: Minister for Defence; Micheál Martin
Published on
Last updated on
Launch of “The Irish Defence Forces 1922-2022” By Eoin Kinsella
Dublin City Hall, Thursday 20 April 2023
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I am very pleased to be with you this evening for the launch of this excellent history of the Irish Defence Forces. Eoin Kinsella has taken a large and complex subject and succeeded wonderfully in presenting a comprehensive and accessible publication.
In doing this, Eoin has drawn on a remarkably diverse range of sources.
As he acknowledges, his work has benefitted from the wonderful work of the Military Archives and their commitment to preserving not just the formal record of our Defence Forces, but also a picture of the lives of those who have served over the past century.
The mixture of a clear narrative, historical analysis and a large number of reproductions makes it both comprehensive and accessible.
The very positive public reaction to the book over the past few weeks is testament to a widespread public interest in one of the most important and respected institutions in our democratic republic.
I think it is important for us to take the opportunity of the launch of an important book such as this to remember the central role which the Defence Forces have played in our history and why they matter so much today.
In the years after the First World War new states were formed in a continuous line which stretched from Finland in the North down to what soon became the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the South. In each of these countries new standing armies were created to replace those of departed imperial forces.
Ireland was the only new state in the West of Europe and the only new state which emerged from a victorious power.
We were also the only new state which gave explicit continuity to a revolutionary army when creating its new defence forces.
In countries like Poland and Czechoslovakia, individual units of the army were linked to pre-independence forces, but none linked the army as a whole to its revolution in the way that we did.
The unique position of Óglaigh na h-Éireann as a body which has ensured the creation and defence of our free democracy over the course of more than a century is something which we should never take for granted.
That is why there is such public support for the central symbolic role of the Defence Forces every time we commemorate the most important event in our revolution, the Rising of 1916.
Each year, when a lone soldier stands where Pearse once stood and reads the words of the Proclamation, they do so on behalf of us all and reflect a true national unity.
They embody the only organisation which should ever be referred to as Óglaigh na h-Éireann.
Eoin Kinsella’s history shows forces which have worked constantly over the last century to evolve.
As he shows very candidly, the short but dramatic period following the ratification of the Treaty and through the Civil War stands apart from later years.
It is the great tragedy of that generation that former comrades were not able to, or indeed allowed to overcome differences which may seem small to us, but were profoundly important at the time.
Particularly after the strategically important phase of the Civil War had finished, there were serious instances of the new army being engaged in terrible crimes – crimes which were absolutely not necessary in order to secure the government.
However, there are two things which stand out when you look closely at the records of the time.
The first is that there were many within the Army who believed that their cause was damaged by such behaviour and wanted to build legitimacy built on high standards.
For example, the Bureau of Military History contains records which show how Judge Advocate General Cahir Davitt, son of the great Michael Davitt, was constantly pushing for due process and discipline.
The second point which stands out is that in spite of its highly divisive role, the new army, and the wider Defence Forces when they were established, rapidly won and have constantly retained widespread public support.
They served and were trusted by governments of different make-ups and communities in all parts of our country.
It is surely unique in the world that less than twenty years after the end of a civil war, officers and soldiers from both sides served together in a major mobilisation to defend the state.
This mobilisation was all the more impressive because it was in defence of democracy at a time when it was disappearing in so much of the world – and it explicitly rejected the culture of militarisation which is always a threat when societies arm and enlist such a large body of its citizens.
When we look at Eoin’s research a theme which seems clear to me is that through much of their history the core role of the Defence Forces has been to respond to the domestic and international challenges confronting the republic they serve.
When we secured membership of the United Nations, we did so with absolute commitment to the core principles of the UN’s Charter and remembering the destruction which followed the failure of others to respect the values of the League of Nations.
Supporting the cause of protecting human rights and promoting peace became the core mission of our Defence Forces and they have, in turn, brought great honour to our country throughout the world.
We must always remember their service and the sacrifice of their fallen comrades.
The Defence Forces also came forward to protect our country from those who sought to impose their sectarian and illegitimate campaign of violence on the Irish people.
In often very difficult circumstances they helped ensure that the rule of law was maintained in all part of our state.
One of the most importance aspects of being the defence forces of a democratic state is the willingness to hold yourself to high standards and admit failures.
This history was prepared before the recent report on abuse experienced within the Defence Forces was published, however it does point to serious failure to adapt the culture and behaviour which prevailed within the Defence Forces once we joined others in widening enlistment.
This failure has had a terrible impact on volunteers who sought only to serve their country but were denied basic protection and support.
What matters now is that we deal with the finding comprehensively and that we do so in accordance with the honourable values which are found throughout the history of our Defence Forces.
And I am very conscious of the fact that today we also stand at a crossroads in terms of the role of our Army, Naval Service, Air Corps and Reserves.
We have to enable them to recruit and retain the personnel they need to perform their core functions. We have to invest in equipment and facilities which are relevant to today’s world rather than the past.
And we have to address the obvious gap between the needs of Ireland in a highly challenging international situation and the policies which we follow.
The success of modern Ireland in being able to support a dramatic increase in population and rising living standards has been fundamentally based on our position within the European Union and our engagement with the wider world.
Our sovereignty has been secured, and our ability to provide for our people is founded on the fact that we do not stand alone in the world.
And the simple truth is that we cannot naively assume that because we have good intentions towards others, we do not need to protect ourselves and our values.
Equally, it is absurd to assume that we cannot ever question any of our policies.
Personally, I think there is something morally wrong with the fact that an authoritarian and aggressive neo-imperialist power has a de-facto veto on elements of how we as an independent republic react to any given situation.
Equally, we are serving no higher purpose by failing to be able to protect key infrastructure in our international waters – infrastructure which is central to supporting economic and social progress in our democracy.
That is why I have proposed that in the coming months we hold an open discussion about the future of our defence policies.
Our values must always be the foundation of our policies, but we have an obligation to candidly review and reform where we are failing to meet the urgent challenges of today and the years ahead.
And in this, I think we have a right to criticise those who have spent over five decades constantly spreading disinformation about our neutrality and our international engagements.
In 1972, the same groups which are at it today, said that if we joined what is now the European Union we would have NATO troops and nuclear warheads parading down O’Connell Street within a few years.
They have been consistently wrong – and they have also consistently tried to push Ireland from standing unambiguously on the side of human rights and democracy in our international positions.
Óglaigh na h-Éireann are today, as they have always been, a foundation of our democratic republic. Throughout their history, they have both drawn on tradition and forged new ones.
As this excellent book reminds us, they have met every major challenge we have set over the last century.
And I have no doubt that they will continue to do so.
Go raibh mile maith agaibh.